Budget 2022: Government should lay foundation for sustainable water management in India

The Union Budget 2022 is around the corner, and so are the expectations from the government across varied industries. For the water sector, Budget 2022 needs to chart a new vision of making India’s overburdened water infrastructure more sustainable and resilient.

The government has already laid special emphasis in this aspect with the announcement of flagship schemes such as Namami Gange, Jal Jeevan Mission, Atal Bhujal Mission, and more. Such projects have helped in building a foundation that will boost further planning and execution of policies to bolster India’s water infrastructure overall. While these projects will continue providing their benefits, there is still a long way to go.

India is already known to be water-stressed, the demand for water is expected to exceed supply by almost twice by 2030. This is truly an area of concern, which brings us to ponder over a crucial question – how are we planning to relook at building robust water infrastructure in India?

Budget should strengthen our water infrastructure

The upcoming Union Budget can act as a key instrument for the water sector in transforming itself with sustainable practices to achieve social, economic, and environmental benefits. The government must initiate and enforce policies that will help in setting up achievable goals, paving the way for sustainable water management in the country.

Installation of smart water meters

Budget 2022 should prioritise the installation of smart water meters across networks as part of sustainable water management to curb water loss and reduce Non-Revenue Water. While individual municipalities in cities like Pune and Chandigarh have implemented the installation of smart water meters, a national mission to install smart water meters will be a game-changer for India in improving water efficiency and energy savings leading to a positive climate approach.

In 2022, the government’s focus should also be on creating more investment opportunities in India’s water sector. Investments in India’s water and sanitation sector will augment the water infrastructure with key projects across various sub-sectors like irrigation, sewage treatment, wastewater management among others. With this, ongoing government initiatives such as Namami Gange, Jal Jeevan Mission, and Atal Bhujal Mission will also be enhanced, creating a sustainable water ecosystem. The need of the hour is to prioritize the country’s water infrastructure with equal importance as given to public infrastructure facilities.

Leverage PPP model for efficient, sustainable water network

With the right allocation and outlay in place, the Ministry of Jal Shakti can further leverage the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) model for establishing an efficient and sustainable water network system that will build upon each other's offerings. The Budget should also promote the reduction in inefficient regulations and formalities to ease private sector participation in India’s water sector. This will bring in the much-needed expertise, resources, and manpower while ensuring faster execution of ambitious projects.

Create National Tech Mission for water resources management

The Budget has a huge scope in identifying the role of technology for India’s water sector. A separate allocation to create ‘National Technology Mission for Water Resources Management'. The objective should be to provide smart planning and framework for the implementation of smart digital technologies across the water utilities in India for effective implementation of sustainable water practices.

Technology will prove to be an effective tool against various issues such as leakage detection, understanding water demand across districts, remote management of facilities among a host of other services.

Going forward, the government should also consider shifting towards a tender system that prioritises lifecycle costs over the lowest bid. With this, the focus will shift towards the implementation of sustainable technology, driving a positive influence on the climate and environment as overall cost savings. The amount of revenue and resources that will be saved through the lifetime of operating these efficient systems will be far more than the upfront cost of buying these products.

For example, in the Cambodian province of Takéo, the water supply company was supplying drinking water to the small city of Doun Kaev and the surrounding 45 villages of about 44,000 people. With a supply from Roka Khnong Lake, the plant used older models of pumps to distribute treated water out to the network, often resulting in pipe damage, non-revenue water (NRW) water losses, and wasted energy. To tackle this, high-efficiency pumps were installed along with network sensors to predict water consumption patterns. After one year, the plant achieved 20 percent savings in energy use, a 13 percent reduction in NRW water losses due to leakages, and a 29 percent reduction in pipe bursts.

Planning for a better tomorrow

With the Budget focusing on the various parameters of the water infrastructure of the country, integrating sustainable practices will not only benefit in creating a robust water ecosystem, but also for India to achieve its Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) targets. While India has already laid the groundwork for SDG 6 goal of ‘Clean water and Sanitation for all’, what we expect from Budget 2022 are action plans for the coming years that will determine India’s sustainable approach towards water management.

This also presents an opportunity for the government to meet the UN sustainable goals of SDG 13, that is, taking urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts. The Budget should also look towards providing subsidies on renewable and sustainable technologies for the water sector that will further in establishing the most efficient infrastructure for the country. The advantages of shifting to a sustainable structure will truly help in reduced energy consumption and waste generated, better management of water and resources, enabling a better ecosystem for communities to live in.

The author is Country President, Grundfos India—advanced pumps solutions. Views are personal

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Marital rape: Why time has come to remove exception in the rape law provision

I have often stated that I belong to the era where I believe in the institution of marriage. As a lawyer and a woman who has had a majority of work focused on and around issues regarding marriage and intimacy, I believe I am in a position to evaluate the situation objectively. Marriage, I believe, is the grundnorm of society, the bedrock upon which the fabric of the society is built. It is not to say that it is without its problems, and one such confounding problem is the issue of marital rape.

The issue surrounding marital rape has confounded India for centuries. The concept of immunity from marital rape seemed to have emanated from colonial legacy, right from the times of Chief Justice Mathew Hale in 1736. Chief Justice Hale stated in History Placitorum Coronae (History of the Pleas of the Crown) published posthumously in 1736: “The husband cannot be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract the wife hath given herself up to her husband, consent which she cannot retract.”

Recently, the Kerala High Court observed that marital rape is a good ground to claim divorce. A division bench of the Kerala High Court comprising A Muhamed Mustaque and Dr Kauser Edappagath held that husband and wife in a marriage are equal partners and husband cannot claim any superior right over wife either concerning her body or concerning individual status. The court further stated that any intrusion, physically or otherwise, in marital space would constitute cruelty. Nearly just because the law is not recognising marital rape under penal law, that does not mean that the court cannot recognise the same as a form of cruelty to grant a divorce.

There are several theories on why marital rape should or should not be a crime.

The traditional theory that confronts one appears to be that the social construct and the sanctity of the institution of marriage advocates that marriage is a private space, therefore there should not be intervention or criminality built into the construct. The counterview is rather clear that this appears to be the extension or perpetuation of the power dominance theory and ultimately today affirmative action needs to be taken to rectify the historical wrong.

There is no gainsaying in the fact that simply because a practice has been prevalent for a considerable period, the same should be permitted to continue and we continue to perpetuate malpractices even though it is antithetical to all concepts of humanity, human dignity, gender equality and constitutionality. Once we accept this narrative, the rest very quickly falls into place.

Another compelling reason is more practical: It will be almost impossible to either prove or disprove the factum of rape. When we look at crimes behind closed doors, we look for certain clues, for example in cases of rape, medicinal evidence, bodily injuries and whether the accused and the victim were there at the same time. These parameters will not exist in the cases of marital rape. The disadvantage will be on the person, on whom the burden of proof lies. The act of law and practicality is very often a precarious balancing one. On one hand, we have women whose right on their own body and bodily autonomy is absolute, on the other we have the very practical issue of how to prove an attack, in an intimate setting. There is no question that a balance has to be found.

The discrimination between married and unmarried women is fatal to the understanding of gender roles. A woman remains a woman whether married or unmarried and whether married or unmarried she has a right to say no. The argument that there is no violation of married women right under Article 21 of the Constitution since she has other remedies (remedies of lodging a complaint about domestic violence, grievous hurt, or get divorced on the grounds of cruelty) is fallacious and hollow.

The questions that we need to address and the answers that may be self-evident are the following:

1. Is the exception to rape in the form of marital rape inconsistent with Articles 14, 15 and 21 of the Constitution of India?

2. Is the classification between married and unmarried women in the context of rape rational, or is it completely arbitrary therefore cannot withstand constitutional scrutiny?

3. How do we adjudicate the concept of consent — if in the present case there is a lack of consent, would it not fall within the clear domain of rape?

4. Is there any rationale for granting immunity in case of marital rape, when it is a classified crime under Section 375 of IPC?

5. How do we treat the individual autonomy of a woman?

Since 2015, the Delhi High Court has been seized of this issue. However recently the same has gained considerable impetus. This issue can no longer cause any delay. On a broad surface, the National Family Health survey 2005-2006 demonstrated that out of 80,000 women interviewed 93 percent said that they had been sexually abused by their current or former husband. We can’t be putting this issue on the back burner and have a blind eye towards it. Needless to say, India has been rapidly progressing in the dimension of gender equality and gender dignity.

Several anachronistic practices have been either struck down or the law amended ensuring a rightful place for women, most importantly human dignity. We have brought into place several criminal laws, including making cruelty a criminal offence under Section 498A IPC; dowry misappropriation has been deemed to be a criminal offence under Section 406 IPC; Domestic Violence Act has come into place in 2015 addressing the concerns of the women facing cruelty, harassment and various other forms of violence, to ensure their protection. All this has reflected a sea change in the landscape of the age-old concept of privacy in the domain of matrimonial relationships.

Simultaneously the judiciary has been moving forward in protecting the rights of women. In the recent judgement Independent Thought Vs. UOI (2017 (10) SCC 800) by Justice Justice Lokur and Justice Deepak Gupta of the Supreme Court read down the exception in the case of statutory rape and held that the age of consent must be read to 18 and not 15 for the purpose of exception 2 to Section 375. The court observed that the exception was creating an artificial and unnecessary distinction between unmarried and married girls without any rational nexus thereby the court held it arbitrary and discriminatory under Articles 14 and 15 of the Constitution. The court noted that the exception was contradictory to the other scheme developed by the government for the protection of children POCSO, and POCSO being special legislation would prevail.

The judgement paves the way to take a step forward in this direction. Of course, it is never an easy task considering the social construct and the sectional societal opposition. Nobody wants displacement of power; perpetuation of power is always a heady cocktail. If you look around, you will find more than 100 countries have made marital rape an offence including Pakistan. England, from where this colonial legacy emanated, made marital rape an offence back in 1991. The house of lords held common law is capable of evolving with the change in social, economic and cultural developments, since that time the status of women has evolved. The court stated that “Hale's proposition involves that by marriage a wife gives her irrevocable consent to sexual intercourse with her husband under all circumstances and irrespective of the state of her health or how she happens to be feeling at the time. In modern times any reasonable person must regard that conception as quite unacceptable.”

The government has also taken a progressive approach on this matter. The government in the Delhi High Court stated that this process is going through a consultative process. It now remains for us to see whether the change would come in through a legislative process or the court. Either way, the immunity granted to marital rape cannot withstand the scrutiny of criminal law. Two of the arguments made by the opposition include: One, that the law has the potential of misuse; two, that the court cannot create an offence.

There is not much substance in these arguments.

The law is an instrument to define what is right and to punish what is wrong. It sets the narrative for society.

I might also add that constitutional morality itself which is the very root of the Constitution has started the ethos of Indian society. In the Vishakha case in 1997, the Supreme Court relying on the international convention including UN-CEDAW held that sexual harassment of women at the workplace requires to be addressed and set out detailed guides which ultimately got translated into law in 2013.

It is not the creation of offence but striking down of an exception that is artificially created. Regina’s case paved the way for such an interpretation. The Supreme Court in Independent Thought Vs. UOI (2017 (10) SCC 800) has already answered this argument by stating that by striking down the exception to Section 375 IPC, no offence is being created. The offence already exists in the main part of Section 375 IPC. Cutting down a part of the exception is only bringing the law in consonance with the Constitution.

Historically, women were subjected in law and society as objects or goods. Justification for this treatment was found in these three ideologies.

1.Chattel theory: Wherein a woman was the property of her father until she married to become the property of the husband. Marrying a woman or buying a woman were synonyms.

2.The feudal doctrine of coverture: Wherein a woman had no identity upon marriage. She had no political power or protection under any statutes. The husband had the right to beat his wife or chastise her in the ahem of bringing order within the family.

3. Marital unity theory: The women upon marriage become one with the husband. She had no rights. She could not enter into any contract, sue another, make a will or even have a property.

It has been a tough road for women for the past few decades; we have fought long and hard for our rights not just to be recognised but also to be implemented. Marital rape is a direct attack on a woman’s bodily autonomy, the kind of attack that reduces her being to an object. Men having immunity for marital rape perpetuates that notion, creating a mindset that wives may be treated as a commodity or for their own fancies and nullifies the concept of consent. It is a menace that should be removed not just for the present generation, but as a signal for the future to treat women as equals, whether in a marriage or out of it.

The author is a Senior Supreme Court Advocate and former Additional Solicitor General of India. Views expressed are personal.

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'Gehri dosti' says PM Bennett as Israel and India mark 30 years of diplomatic ties

Israel and India have a "gehri dosti" (deep friendship), Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett said on 29 January, 2022, and thanked his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi for his "deep commitment" to the "strong and robust friendship", as the two nations celebrated 30 years of establishment of diplomatic relations.

Describing the opportunities of collaboration between the two countries as "endless", Bennett stressed that "the ties between Israel and India are strong and together they will only grow stronger".

"There is something I wanted to tell to all of the people of India. Israel and India have a "gehri dosti", Deep Friendship. Today we honour 30 years of diplomatic relations between Israel and India. Thirty years of a wonderful partnership, a deep cultural connection, and military and economic cooperation", Bennett said in a special video message released on the evening of 29 January, 2022.

Though India had recognised Israel on 17 September, 1950, full-fledged diplomatic relations between the countries were established on 29 January, 1992.

"I would like to thank my dear friend, Prime Minister Modi, for his leadership and deep commitment to this strong and robust friendship. Our countries may be different in size but we share much in common – our rich history, the inherent warmth of our peoples, and our cutting-edge innovation and technology", the Israeli prime minister said amidst a series of activities under way to mark the occasion.

The video was tagged to a tweet which said, "Today, we celebrate 30 years of diplomatic relations between Israel & India. We celebrate a strong partnership, An incredibly deep friendship, & optimism for the future!".

To his friend Narendra Modi, he wrote in Hindi, "Together we will continue to achieve more remarkable achievements".

Today, we celebrate 30 years of diplomatic relations between Israel & India.

We celebrate a strong partnership,
An incredibly deep friendship,
& optimism for the future!@NarendraModi, my friend — हम साथ मिलकर उल्लेखनीय उपलब्धियां हासिल करते रहेंगे।
🇮🇱 🇮🇳 pic.twitter.com/m3PwiVSeVy

— Naftali Bennett בנט (@naftalibennett) January 29, 2022

On the occasion the Masada Fortress was lit up with the flags of both countries.

Masada Fortress lit up to celebrate 30 years of India-Israel friendship#MasadaFortress #IndiaIsraelFriendship #DiplomaticRelations #NaorGilon
Watch Video : https://t.co/ikoJ6mt5HH pic.twitter.com/oshAOb4sfM

— ANI Multimedia (@ANI_multimedia) January 30, 2022

In New Delhi, Prime Minister Modi, in his special video message, said there cannot be a better time to set new goals for taking forward India-Israel relations and asserted that the importance of the relationship has increased amid significant changes in the world.

Modi said people of India and Israel have always shared a special relationship.

"This day holds importance in our relationship as full diplomatic ties were established between the two countries 30 years ago. A new chapter between the two countries had begun. It was a new chapter but history between us is age-old," he said.

"For centuries, the Jew community has stayed in India in a harmonious environment without any discrimination and has grown. It has made an important contribution in our developmental journey," Modi said.

Earlier this week, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Israel's foreign minister, Yair Lapid, penned op-eds in an Israeli and an Indian newspaper emphasising that "friendship and trust" are not only positive traits, but also "real assets" with which the two countries have worked together to "deepen their roots" for the last three decades, expressing hopes that their achievements together will continue to bear fruit.

The celebrations to commemorate 30 years of diplomatic ties are likely to continue through the year but anniversary celebrations have been marked by illumination of historic sites in both countries – the Gateway of India and Teen Murti Haifa Chowk in India and Masada in southern Israel's Judean desert which is a popular tourist site.

With input from PTI

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Budget 2022: Government should try to address farmers’ income and agri sustainability concerns

The Budget 2022 will have competing demands from various sectors given the crisis and uncertainty related to the pandemic that continues to impact lives and livelihoods. It will be a tightrope walk for the government in allocating resources for the agriculture and food sector that address multiple concerns related to growth, income, social welfare and safety net, and long-term sustainability of farming.

The Budget will be tabled close to elections in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa, and political parties are already promising loan waivers, MSP for all crops, free electricity, among others, which is likely to influence the budget towards some populist announcements. Also, with year 2022 being the last year for achieving the target of doubling of farmers’ income by 2022-23, and the repeal of recent farm laws in November 2021, the government will have to reinforce the confidence of the farmers in its commitment towards making farming profitable for them, and the markets to deliver the economic gains.

Budget 2021 made an allocation of Rs 1,31,531 crore to the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare (MoA&FW), a 14 percent increase over 2019-20. Of this, Rs 1,23,018 crore were allocated to DoA&FW, and Rs 8,514 crore to the Department of Agricultural Research and Education, 14 percent and 6 percent increase over 2019-20, respectively. There may not be any flagship reform-oriented announcements this time. However, the government will continue the momentum of policies and resource allocation it has been pursuing to boost growth as well as address the risks confronting the sector, and farmers in particular.

In the context of doubling farmers' income by 2022-23, it is expected that the Budget will emphasise on diversification towards high-value crops and integrating production systems including livestock and fisheries. The reason being that MSP aided cereals and pulses procurement and marketing have limited scope for enhancing farmers’ income. Diversifying into high-value crops such as fruits and vegetables, dairy, poultry, and fisheries will enable farmers to earn higher incomes provided there are opportunities for value addition, processing, and markets for the same.

Under the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme, with an outlay of Rs 10,900 crore for 2021-22 to 2026-27, the food processing sector will play a critical role in incentivising diversification, bringing back traditional cereals, and linking farmers to markets. It is anticipated that agricultural credit will be increased from Rs 16.5 lakh announced in the budget FY 2021 to around Rs 18.5 lakh in FY 2022. The Ministry of Co-operation should be given sufficient resources to scale up the cooperative structure across high-value commodities and create successful farmer-market linkages. The scope of the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, which is already undergoing a revamp, will have to be stepped up to address the risks associated with farming and marketing of high-value commodities.

Agricultural diversification will also address the concerns related to the environmental and financial sustainability of intensive paddy and wheat cultivation in the northern states. Natural farming under the Paramparagat Krishi Vikas Yojana (with an allocation of Rs 450 crore in FY 2021) and other national programs on organic farming, as well as the National Project on Soil Health and Fertility can receive a boost in terms of scope and financial resources.  This will be in line with the pursuit of the government to move towards environmentally benign farming practices and reduce the dependence on agrochemicals. Diversification towards high-value crops and natural farming will have a favourable long-term impact on both the food and fertiliser subsidy burden.

FY 2020-21 witnessed a huge escalation in food and fertiliser subsidies compared to their budget allocations. Food and fertilizer subsidies amounted to Rs 2.43 lakh crore and Rs 79,630 crore, respectively in FY 2021-22. While it is desirable to rationalise these subsidies and push for direct income and benefit support, it may be difficult for the government to cut down these subsidies significantly right away. With the threat of the pandemic still looming, Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Yojana extended up to March 2022 might continue for some more time until the situation stabilises. International prices of fertilisers are significantly higher than usual, and it is unlikely that the government will be able to rationalise fertiliser subsidies immediately.

Against the backdrop of opposition and agitation around the Farm Laws 2020 (now repealed), and the upcoming elections in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, the government will be tactful in handling the sentiments of the farmers. Nonetheless, it will continue to strengthen agricultural markets by upgrading infrastructure and services. Through the Agriculture Infrastructure Fund (AIF), the government will continue to support infrastructure development including APMC and private markets, warehouses, cold chains, among others.

This will be important to reassure the farmers that APMC markets are an important part of the marketing network, and the reforms are targeted towards creating alternative marketing channels. Also, MSP will continue as price support for the existing 23 commodities, but whether it will be extended to all crops, and/or made legally binding, is not certain. The income concerns of the farmers should be addressed better by expanding the coverage of PM-Kisan to include the vulnerable groups within the farming community as well as significantly enhancing the allocation of Rs 6,000 per farmer family.

There are likely allocations and incentives for further boosting innovations and the start-up network, which will have a favourable impact on the agriculture and food sectors. As agriculture diversifies, there will be demand for improved supply chain management leveraging technology for higher resource use efficiency. The issue of environmental sustainability will also drive innovations that can reduce the resource footprint of agriculture without productivity losses, ensure safe food for consumption, and allow farmers to adopt such practices.

Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs) will continue to be an important grassroots institution for mobilizing farmers to access alternative markets as well as linking them to the start-up ecosystem. The Ministry of Co-operation can play an enabling role in revitalizing farmer collectives that make technology and markets more accessible to the farmers. The Budget 2022 should be able to fuel the evolving ecosystem of farmer collectives, agritech start-ups, and agribusiness players with the government playing an enabling role.

This Budget should make the best use of the financial resources towards attracting greater investments in the agriculture and food sector that will catalyse the resilience of farming amidst concerns of climate change and environmental degradation; strengthen markets that allow farming to be more aligned to the actual demand, and expand direct benefit transfers to deliver the financial support directly to the farmers. Despite the repeal of farm laws, the government should pursue marketing reforms, which are in the interest of the farmers. Given the fiscal pressure, rationalising subsidies will be inevitable and critical to augment agri R&D.

The author is a Senior Research Fellow at Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations, ICRIER. Views are personal.

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Budget 2022: PLI scheme for e-bikes may be on Nirmala Sitharaman’s radar to boost production, exports

India's EV industry is projected to grow at an astronomical CAGR of 90 percent and touch $150 billion by 2030, according to a recent report by consulting firm RBSA Advisors. In the face of these numbers, the time is ripe for the 2022 Budget to augment the growth of the EV industry.

On the cusp of a major transformation, this new ecosystem is already disrupting the existing vehicle market. More green mobility options will not only provide environmental benefits but also boost the technology industry and provide ample job creation opportunities in the coming years.

As per JMK Research and Analytics, electric vehicle registrations surpassed 50,000 units in a month in December 2021 alone. The electric two-wheeler category has seen especially positive growth, with an increase of 132 percent over 2020. As the e-bike segment continues to grow, the inclusion of low-speed electric two-wheelers amongst EVs and a larger manufacturing base, and the availability of labour and parts will give it the potential to scale up faster.

The Union Budget 2022-23 will play a crucial in setting the tone and blueprint for India's economic restoration in FY 2022-23. The government recently expanded the parameters for the production linked incentive (PLI) scheme to the automotive sector companies to increase the country's self-reliance and boost domestic manufacturing – which is likely to be the prologue to the Union Finance Budget. This action extends the possibility of a PLI scheme being offered to the e-bikes sector, helping manufacturers boost production and export capabilities.

Make available increased EV charging infrastructure

To meet the demands of the market, the simplicity and availability of EV charging infrastructure will be crucial to mainstream adoption of electric vehicles – ideally, one charging station every 3x3km area and every 20 km on motorways – hence incentivising infrastructure development and rules and schemes to promote battery swapping. Rationalising the tax (GST) system on batteries and other components used in the production of electric vehicles will help to contain costs, with the advantages being passed on to consumers.

Unified policy needed to encourage EVs

To boost the EV industry, the Indian Government has issued policies and regulations such as FAME (Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Hybrid and Electric Vehicles), which was meant to finish in March 2022, but has been extended until 2024. However, the industry still needs a unified policy to encourage EVs across the country, making it easier for green transportation-focused enterprises to expand their presence.

In the coming years, EV financing will become the most important enabler for electric vehicle adoption. Attractive economics and government support have already boosted demand for EVs. Still, the commercial EV market, which is predicted to be a key growth vertical, is hindered by a lack of financing and incentivisation, which remains the biggest hurdle. With the potential to grow to $150 billion by 2030, further efforts to make financing, incentives, and subsidies more accessible would benefit the sector.

Electric vehicles (EVs) have acquired a lot of traction in recent years. The future looks bright, not just due to reduced carbon emissions but also the additional benefits to manufacturing and other ancillaries that faster adoption has to offer. As signs point to the EV sector taking centre stage, it is with great hope that EV, and especially e-bike, manufacturers look forward to Budget 2022.

The author is Co-Founder & CEO, EMotorad-ebike manufacturing startup.

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Martyrs Day or Shaheed Diwas: History, significance and how the day is observed

Martyrs' Day, also known as Shaheed Diwas, is observed across the country on 30 January every year. The day marks the death anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi.

On this day, Indians remember the slain freedom fighters who laid down their lives for the country's independence. Various events are organised across the country to pay respect to the fallen.

Like every year, the Centre has directed all state governments and union ministries to observe two minutes of silence on the day at 11 am in the memory of martyred independence heroes.

History and Significance of the day

This year, India will commemorate 74th death anniversary of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, popularly known as Mahatma Gandhi. The day is observed to remember Mahatma Gandhi's contributions to India’s fight for independence. Bapu led countless freedom movements and advocated non-violence.

In 1948, The Father of the Nation was killed by Nathuram Godse during his evening prayers in the Birla House. Godse held Gandhiji responsible for India-Pakistan partition which led to the loss of thousands of lives.

How the day is marked

On the occasion of Martyrs Day, the top-most leadership of the country including President, Prime Minister and Defence Minister gather at New Delhi's Rajghat and pay tribute to Gandhiji. They are also joined by the service chiefs of the three defence forces to lay floral wreaths at his memorial.

Martyrs Day on 23 March

Martyrs' Day is also commemorated on 23 March to pay homage to freedom fighters Bhagat Singh, Shivaram Rajguru and Sukhdev Thapar. On this day in 1931, these three courageous revolutionaries were hung by the British.

The trio was hung for assassinating British officer John Saunders in 1928. Their saga of sacrifice became a source of inspiration for millions of Indians.

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Budget 2022: Expedite implementation of National Retail Policy to harmonise multiple laws

The consumer and retail sector showed tremendous signs of recovery in 2021, after going through innumerable problems of supply-chain disruptions, high input costs, low consumer sentiments, etc. However, with the sudden spurt in COVID-19 cases, concern has once again risen with regards to the growth momentum of this industry which to a great extent depends on consumer confidence and spending ability.

Budget 2022 holds great hope and significance for a complete revival of the sector. To begin with, the Budget should set the tone for the National Retail Policy’s implementation, which must be expedited to harmonise multiple laws that impede the sector’s ease of doing business. A process for digitisation/consolidation of the various requirements of the Acts would be a welcome move.

Consider PLI schemes for other sectors, too

Studying the success of Production Linked Incentive (PLI) schemes, the government should consider rolling it out to new sectors, such as toy manufacturing, footwear, as well as personal care, and cosmetics. MSME is a major contributor to the success of the consumer and retail sector in India. Collectively they contribute 29 percent to India’s GDP, but usually face a challenge with financing and people development issues. 

Additional allocations for providing credit and financial assistance for the growth of MSME’s, as well as focussed initiatives related to the skill development of MSME segment will also help in providing an overall push for the sector.

Increase investment in supply chains, packaging solutions

For India to compete on the world stage, it will have to increase its investment towards efficient supply chains, packaging solutions as well as research and development. With the right government support in terms of easier access to subsidised capital as well as tax incentives, private sector players can focus on creating more value-added technological innovations as well as robust infrastructure. Creating a robust ecosystem of industry, startups, government-funded R&D will be extremely important for the success of the prime minister’s vision of Atmanirbhar Bharat.

Ease compliance mechanism under GST regime

The consumer and retail sector is looking at more effective ways to ease the compliance mechanism under the GST regime. The sector is hopeful of an implementation of an efficient tax refund process to prevent credit blockage. At the same time, India Inc is also seeking more clarity on the input tax credit, followed by supply and value of supply.

Increase allocations under MGNREGA to improve liquidity

On the Income Tax front, the sector is looking for some special exemptions to enhance and boost the spending capacity of the people in the current fiscal. More liquidity in the hands of consumers has a direct positive impact since it increases the consumer’s propensity to spend. Increasing allocations under MGNREGA will improve liquidity in the rural markets and in turn will improve the rural demand. Improving digital connectivity in rural India will also give the e-commerce industry a huge push, tapping into the benefits of rural market penetration. Relaxed FDI norms in multi-brand retail will create a more conducive environment for the industry.

Although the nascent economic recovery has been jolted by the third wave, these measures will give a fillip to the sector. Apart from creating more employment and entrepreneurial opportunities, it will bring the $5 trillion economy vision closer to actualisation.

The writer is Partner and Consumer Sector Leader, Grant Thornton Bharat. Views are personal.

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