Off-centre | Why Hindus should not be punished for being the biggest ‘minority’ in India

Can Hindus be a minority in India? The Government of India is, for some reason, yet to state its position unambiguously on this issue. The Supreme Court, in fact, imposed a fine of Rs 7,500 on the Ministry of Home Affairs on 7 January 2022, for failing to specify its stance. When this matter came up on 28 March, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, appearing on behalf of the government, told the apex court that he had not yet gone through the affidavit by the Ministry of Minority Affairs. Does this mean that two ministries of the Central government are at loggerheads over this issue?

The issue at hand arises out of a plea by advocate Ashwini Upadhyay seeking the declaration of Hindus as a minority, as per the 2011 Census, in six states — Mizoram, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Punjab, and two Union Territories, Lakshadweep and Jammu and Kashmir. He contended that in accordance with the underlying principles in 2002 TMA Pai and 2005 Bal Patil judgements of the Supreme Court, Hindus should enjoy minority status in these parts of the Indian Union.

On the other hand, the Ministry of Minority Affairs filed a counter-affidavit, placing the onus of granting such a status on the concerned states and Union Territories. What does this mean? The implication is that the respective state may or may not grant Hindus under its jurisdiction minority status.

Mehta told the Supreme Court bench constituted by Justices SK Kaul and MM Sundresh that he had not yet gone through the affidavit. When Justice Kaul said that it had already appeared in newspapers, Mehta is reported as having said smilingly, “I have not read it…I am not aware of the view of the department.”

In his formal reply, the learned Solicitor General submitted “that he will place the stand on the matters on record as he has yet not vetted the affidavit even though it may have appeared in the newspapers.” Acceding to his request, the Supreme Court granted him an additional four weeks, fixing 10 May as the date of the next hearing.

Whereas Upadhyay wanted the Supreme Court to direct the Centre to specify how minorities could be identified at the state level, the Ministry of Home Affairs believes that the petition relates to the National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions Act, 2004, and the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992, which came, respectively, under the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Minority Affairs. According to the affidavit filed by the Ministry of Minority Affairs, states could notify Hindus as minorities and permit them to set up educational institutions under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution.

Senior Advocate Vikas Singh said, “This Act [National Commission for Minority Educational Institutions Act 2004] will have to go. And, they will have to come up with something like RERA, where every state will have to have these committees.”

At the heart of the debate is the question who is a minority in India and who has the right to decide. For educational purposes, for instance, in the state of Maharashtra, not just religious, but linguistic minorities, have opened educational institutions.

Several benefits, in addition to autonomy, accrue from getting the minority tag. For instance, a religious minority may reserve a large percentage of its seats for its own co-religionists even though it gets 100 per cent of grant-in-aid from the state. In effect, this means that public funds are being utilised for funding minorities’ education disproportionate to their actual percentage. In addition, subsidised land, autonomy in syllabus, uniform, and other curricular and extra-curricular matters may be claimed because of the minority status. But in India, only Hindus qua Hindus can never claim such benefits. This results in several Hindu organisations being forced to claim to be non-Hindus to resist state interference.

The truth is that the Indian Constitution does not notify any such category as a “minority.” Only the word is mentioned in some Articles as in 29 in a marginal heading: “Any section of citizens having a distinct language, script and culture.” Article 30 grants minorities the right to establish and administer their educational institutions: “All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.”

By this token, why should only Hindus be denied such rights, even in states where they are numerically less than 50 percent of the population? Unfortunately, under Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1992, the Centre had in 1993 excluded Hindus from the list of minority communities. Only Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis, and Christians were included. Later, Maharashtra also brought in Jews into the purview of the term minorities. But excluding Hindus, even when they are numerically subordinate, seems quite unfair.

Actually, all citizens should be treated equally in India. That, in my view, is the spirit of the Constitutions. Unfortunately, in the name of social justice and identity politics, we have created so many special categories based on religion, caste, language, ethnicity, region, and so on that the India of today resembles what Swami Vivekananda had said of Kerala over 125 years back, “a lunatic asylum, a mad house of casteism”.

We are thereby not only dividing Indian society but giving unfair advantages to some at the expense of the others. The division between minorities and majorities should go. But until that happens, all minorities, whether defined by numerical, religious, or ethnic criteria, should get the same opportunities. This means that Hindus in several states and union territories should also be allowed to set up and administer their own educational institutions as other minorities are permitted to.

The author is a professor of English at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Views expressed are personal.

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Chaitra Navaratri 2022: Date, time, history and significance of the auspicious festival

Navaratri is a Hindu festival celebrated vigorously all across India with utmost joy and happiness. This auspicious event spans a duration of nine nights and ten days. It is a popular festival in the northern region of India.

The ninth day is observed to mark the birth anniversary of Lord Rama. Hence, it is also named Rama Navaratri. Apparently, there are four different seasonal Navaratri named Sharada, Vasanta (Chaitra), Magha and Ashada. However, Chaitra and Sharada are the two most celebrated among them. Sharada Navaratri is celebrated during the fall of autumn.

Each day of these nine auspicious days is dedicated to worshipping nine different avatars of Goddess Durga - Shailputri, Brahmacharini, Chandraghanta, Kushmanda, Skanda Mata, Katyayani, Kaalratri, Mahagauri and Siddhidatri. As per different forms, the worship methods also vary.

Date and Time:

This year, Chaitra Navaratri will begin on 2 April  and will continue till 11 April. The Pratipada Tithi will start at 11:53 am on 1 April and will last till 11:58 am on 2 April.

There is an auspicious time when the Kalash is installed on the first day of the Chaitra Navaratri. Ghatsthapana will be done on 2 April from 6:10 am to 8:29 am.

History and Significance: 

According to Hindu Mythology, Goddess Durga visited her parents for nine days. This is why many Hindu women visit their homes after their marriages during Navaratri. It is also said that during these nine days, Goddess Durga killed Mahishasura which symbolises the triumph of good over evil. Due to this, Goddess Durga is reverenced as a symbol of ‘shakti’ by the devotees as a means of enlightenment from evil.

Chaitra Navratri is considered to be the birth of the universe as Goddess Durga assigned the task to Lord Brahma. Due to this, the first day of the event denotes the beginning of the Hindu New Year.

The devotees across the country elate the arrival of Maha Navaratri by observing fasts, performing pujas, and chanting certain auspicious mantras in the evening. People dress up in new clothes after taking baths in holy water and offer sweets to one another.

In Maharashtra, the first day of the Chaitra Navaratri is observed as Gudi Padwa while in Kashmir, the same festival is named Navreh. Even though the names are different, the festival is acknowledged with the same amount of cheer and festivity all across the nation.

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Gudi Padwa 2022: Here’s all you need to know about the auspicious festival

Gudi Padwa is celebrated each year on the first day of the Chaitra month, according to the Hindu Calendar. The festival is celebrated by people in Goa and Maharashtra with great joy and fervour. This year, Gudi Padwa will be celebrated and marked on 2 April.

Gudi Padwa also marks the onset of the spring season. The festival of Gudi Padwa is also celebrated as Ugadi in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana.

On the occasion of Gudi Padwa, here is everything you need to know about this festival:

Did you know that Gudi Padwa is formed of two words, that is, Gudi and Padwa, wherein Gudi means a flag or the emblem of Lord Brahma and Padwa means the first day of the moon. Therefore, the festival is celebrated on the first day of the Chaitra month.

Gudi Padwa History

The festival of Gudi Padwa is associated with Hindu mythology. According to Hindu legends, it is believed that the universe was created by Lord Brahma on the day of Gudi Padwa. It is also believed that Lord Brahma introduced days, weeks, months, and years on this very day. Hence, Lord Brahma is worshipped on the occasion of Gudi Padwa.
Gudi Padwa Significance-

The festival of Gudi Padwa holds a lot of significance for the people of Maharashtra and Goa. According to some legends, Lord Brahma created the universe on this day. However, according to other legends, the day of Gudi Padwa is important as it marks the coronation ceremony of Lord Rama after his homecoming to Ayodhya with Sita and Lakshmana after 14 years of exile.
Gudi Padwa Celebrations-

Gudi flags, made from colorful silk scarves tied on top of bamboo sticks with neem leaves, mango flowers and Saakhar gaathi (sugar candy garland) on the top end, are hoisted by people in Goa and Maharashtra. People make rangolis and also prepare sweet and savoury food items. People also decorate their houses and begin the day with a ritualistic bath, which is followed by prayers.

 

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Why Rajya Sabha is essential for Indian democracy and saving it is not a mission impossible

The Upper House of Parliament has, for long, kept the bicameral edifice of the country functioning and flourishing. Just like its distinctive three-tiered chamber, the Rajya Sabha has over the years seen some of the finest minds of India congregate and confabulate.

But now as 13 Rajya Sabha seats went to elections, existential questions arise about the dilution of the Upper House and its continuing relevance. The larger issue is the perils of a single ruling party, like the BJP, dominating both Houses.

Meanwhile, the BJP won both the Rajya Sabha seats from Assam in the election to the Upper House held on Thursday. With this, the party’s tally in the Rajya Sabha touched the 100 mark — the first party to do so since 1988. Staking out a broader battlefield for the coming Lok Sabha Polls, the BJP is looking to push through its agenda and bills relentlessly in the interim.

The Congress numbers have shrivelled to such an extent the party could lose its status of Leader of Opposition by July this year, when another round of biennial elections for the Upper House will be held. It needs a minimum of 25 seats to hold that position.

Thirteen seats were up for grabs including five in Punjab followed by three in Kerala, two in Assam and one each in Himachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Tripura.

The rationale of a second House has been regularly debated with critics saying that since Lok Sabha MPs are directly elected they represent the mandate of the people.

The bicameral system has certain intrinsic benefits.

The Rajya Sabha as the second and permanent Chamber is a revisionary house for laws and bills, offers checks and balances for greater executive accountability and is a platform for diverse talent and expertise.

Those opposed to the idea of a second chamber argue that sending Bills to Rajya Sabha only delayed the legislative process.

But, I believe, bicameralism is essential for a federal constitution as the Rajya Sabha also acts as a means to institutionalise the principles of power-sharing between the Centre and states.

There is a crucial point here. When the ruling dispensation has a brute majority in the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha can prevent the government of the day exercising authoritarianism.

Parliament is not merely a legislative body but also a deliberative one which enables the members to debate major issues of public importance.

And with the Indian polity becoming increasingly complex, the Rajya Sabha’s importance has only increased with time.

Women, religious, ethnic and linguistic minority groups are not adequately represented in the Lok Sabha (due to first past the post-election system).

Federal structures in countries like the US, Australia provide equal representation to all states in their upper houses. Unlike India, where states are represented proportionally to their relative populace.

For example, the number of seats allocated in the Rajya Sabha to Uttar Pradesh alone is significantly higher than that of combined north-eastern states.

In some cases, ordinary bills are being passed in the form of a Money Bill, circumventing the Rajya Sabha and giving rise to the question about the very efficacy of the upper house of Parliament. This can be seen recently in the controversy related to the Aadhaar Act.

In fact, I believe the Money Bill became an instrument of subtle subversion. It was a clever sleight of hand to push proposals through, which suited the party with adequate numbers.

My point gets corroborated when speaking in the Rajya Sabha in 2019, former prime minister Manmohan Singh said, “The role of the Upper House must not be undermined, and it should be allowed more time to study and debate Bills.”

“In the 16th Lok Sabha, only 25% Bills were referred to committees as compared to 15th and 14th LS. Regardless of what the other House does, it is crucial for our House to form select committees to ensure Bills received go through detailed scrutiny,” Singh had then said.

He was referring to the Modi government's clever strategy of using a constitutional provision — the money bill — to push through key proposals. This move was used by the Modi government in 2017, as the combined Opposition in the Rajya Sabha outweighed the ruling alliance.

What needs to be further understood is that a money bill can only be introduced in the Lok Sabha. This means the Opposition doesn’t get to sit on it for long in any case.

Unlike general bills, a “money bill” has to be related to matters of public finance. This broadly means taxes, spending or borrowing of the government, according to Article 110 of the Constitution.

When anything in the form of a money bill comes to the Rajya Sabha, it does have the right to recommend changes. But, such recommended changes aren’t binding. If the lower house, where the BJP obviously has the majority, rejects Rajya Sabha’s suggestions on a money bill, the bill then is automatically passed. This provision follows the Commonwealth parliamentary system.

I also felt the manner in which the “domicile” status clause was amended in 2003 left a lot to be desired. In simple terms, it means a person who does not belong to a state can contest the Rajya Sabha elections from that state of which they are neither a resident nor a domicile.

This was a path used by any ruling party to get some of their defeated candidates in the Lok Sabha election, to get elected in the Rajya Sabha.

Another red flag is the sincerity of nominated members being questioned in many cases. Nominations are made by the government to acknowledge either the celebrity status of some icons or to gratify influencers.

After getting nominated, these members rarely participate in the working of the House. For example, Sachin Tendulkar was appointed in 2012 and the House had met 348 days since then, but his attendance was a meagre 24 days.

Actress Rekha attended for 18 days. Further, Rekha did not attend more than a single day in any session since her nomination in 2012, as per available data.

To preserve the federal character of Rajya Sabha, the following steps need to be taken:

1.     Rajya Sabha members be directly elected by the citizens of a state.

2.     This would reduce cronyism and patronage appointments.

3.     A federal arrangement can be devised to enable equal representation for each state.

4.     Large states should not dominate the proceedings in the House.

5.     Better procedure of nomination to improve the quality of discussion in the House.

Cut to the present, Prime Minister Narendra Modi told the 72 retiring Rajya Sabha members: “This is a farewell. But as they say in Bengali, ‘Ami aaschi’ or in Gujarati, 'Aao jo'... 'come again'. That's what we would want to tell them (Rajya Sabha members who are retiring) — 'Come again'. When such experienced members leave, the nation... the House feels a vacuum. Sometimes, there is more value for experience than knowledge.”

Experience indeed holds its own. And that is precisely where the Rajya Sabha fits in. It is a forum where the wise offer solutions. It is a place which holds the light.

The author is CEO of nnis. Views expressed are personal.

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Why India should be alive to possibilities that may arise from the musical chairs underway in Pakistan

There is a familiar ring to the current political crisis in Pakistan. A prime minister, embattled on different fronts struggling to stay on in power to complete a full term. Familiar because no prime minister in Pakistan has to date ever completed his or her full term of five years — as good an indication as any of how much a fledgling project democracy in Pakistan remains.

Prime Minister Imran Khan’s government was from the beginning a coalition with a slender majority. It now is on its last legs with a key ally having deserted it to join up with the combined Opposition determined to force a change by a vote of no confidence. This outcome owes much to acts of omission and commission of the government and of the prime minister. These included an excessively combative Imran Khan almost from the time he was sworn in — using accountability and anti-corruption to mount what appeared often to be a witch hunt and which had the predictable consequence of making the Opposition parties coalesce together and also attract recalcitrant elements from both the ruling party and the coalition.

The past few days culminating in the withdrawal of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement from the coalition had been open season for allies to call the shots and demand their pound of flesh from either the government or the Opposition combine as the price of their support.

There is in addition a debilitating economic situation in which policy failures and older structural ills have been compounded by two years of the pandemic. Bad economic numbers now look even worse. Alongside these factors, a key driver in the current political crisis has emerged from the prime minister’s rocky interface with the army. This latter factor attracts usually the most attention because its role in Pakistan’s polity has been a near-constant for about as long as anyone cares to remember. The army turning its back on Imran Khan and adopting a posture of ‘neutrality’ underwrite much of what has unfolded in the past few weeks. If that position continues, it is all but certain that it will soon be curtains for Imran Khan’s current tenure as Prime Minister. But till the final deciding vote is cast in the no-confidence motion that ‘if’ about the army’s role will remain.

The general consensus in Pakistan is that it is now all over barring the shouting. What happens thereafter is less clear and that lack of clarity hangs like a cloud over the drama playing out in Islamabad. Will Imran Khan resign rather than face a vote? Will there be a mid-term election thereafter? Or will Shahbaz Sharif — deposed prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s brother and leader of the Pakistan Muslim League — be the new prime minister? This latter possibility appeared to be the consensus till a few days ago. But contrarian views to this also exist. Will any political leader want to be prime minister for about a year or so till the next elections?

Given the dire economic situation that prevails and the tough decisions required, this would be at the very least a thankless job risking enormous political costs in the next elections. Then there is the spectre of a mauled but defiant Imran Khan out in open opposition wearing the garb of a martyr forced out of office by a foreign hand in conspiracy with domestic fifth columnists. His past record suggests a formidable capacity for mobilising the streets to bring normal life to a grinding halt.

In brief, the possibility of political instability in the midst of an economic crisis stares Pakistan in the face. This may well be the one situation the Army wishes to avoid and could push it off its perch of neutrality into becoming an active player in managing the end game of the present situation.

***

Also Read

What is the MQM, the last big ally to leave Imran Khan: A look back at Muttahida Qaumi Movement and its India connection

'Will play till the last ball': Pakistan PM Imran Khan rules out resignation ahead of no-trust vote

***

Over the next few days, the rumour mills of Pakistan will grind ceaselessly over these issues. Will the way out be an unlikely compromise whereby Imran Khan continues for a little while longer as prime minister to exit with pride and ego intact, following which a general election is held with a transitional technocratic government in charge and one which will take in the interim the painful decisions all political parties will baulk from? Or will Shazbaz Sharif bite the bullet and by becoming prime minister give some solace and space to his party and to the exiled Nawaz Sharif before the next election? Or will some other expedient be thought of? Time or the next four-five days will tell.

What should we in India make of all this? For some it is tempting to see these developments through a prism of Pakistan progressively making itself irrelevant to everyone except itself. There is, therefore, the view that we can ignore this neighbour or deal with it, as and when required, tactically or as a security issue on the border. Obviously national security responses are an essential part of the spectrum that should constitute India’s Pakistan policy. Yet kinetic and tactical responses cannot make up the entire spectrum. For if there is a salutary lesson for South Asia from the Ukraine crisis it is that neighbourhood relations have to be managed and addressed continuously.

What is required is imparting greater stability to the India-Pakistan interface. Some positives exist in an otherwise bleak scenario. The ceasefire on the LoC has held well for over a year since both sides reaffirmed it in February last year. The erroneous missile launch saw a Pakistani response that was striking for its maturity. The first-ever transit of Indian wheat through Pakistan to Afghanistan stands out in an otherwise frozen connectivity environment. Perhaps the shaking up of the political pieces in Pakistan may throw up some opportunities to build further on these.

In a few months Pakistan may go through yet another transition when the tenure of its current Chief of Army Staff ends. Within that timeframe the resumption of full diplomatic relations and some activity on the trade front are among the realistic low hanging fruit. We should be alive to possibilities that may arise from the musical chairs underway in Islamabad and if they do materialise, be ready to grasp them.

The author is a former Indian High Commissioner to Pakistan. Views expressed are personal.

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Jhulelal Jayanti 2022: Find date, time, history and significance of Sindhi festival Cheti Chand

Cheti Chand is a significant festival that is celebrated by the Sindhi community around the world, especially in countries like India and Pakistan. This grand festival marks the birth of Ishta Deva Uderolal, who is popularly known as Lord Jhulelal; which is why the occasion is also known as Jhulelal Jayanti.

Lord Jhulelal is a patron saint of the Sindhis, who is often depicted as an old man sporting white beard and moustache.

Usually, the date of Cheti Chand is decided based on the Hindu calendar. As per the calendar, this festival is celebrated on the first day of Chaitra Shukla Paksha, when the new moon becomes visible after no moon day. On many occasions, the festival is marked a day after Ugadi and Gudi Padwa.

Moreover, the day is known as Cheti Chand because of the first appearance of the moon during the Cheti month. The Sindhi community begins their new year with this much-awaited festival, wherein devotees of Jhulelal celebrate the occasion as a 'ThanksGiving Day'.

Cheti Chand Date and Time:

According to Drikpanchang, Cheti Chanda will be celebrated on 2 April, 2022. The Cheti Chanda Muhurat will begin at 6:52 pm and end at 7:53 pm.

The Pratipada Tithi will begin at 11:53 am on 1 April (Friday) while it will conclude at 11:58 am on 2 April (Saturday).

History and Significance:

To date, the exact year of the birth of Saint Jhulelal is not known. But scriptures reveal that he was born in the 10th century in Sindh, which is one of the four provinces of Pakistan.

During that time, Sindh was under the rule of Sumras, who were tolerant to other religions. However, a dictator named Mirkshah used to threaten the Sindhi Hindus to either convert to Islam or face death.

The scared Sindhis then prayed to River God to guard them against forced conversion. Finally, after 40 days of worship, their prayers were answered. Through a divine prophecy, the people were informed about a child's birth to a couple that lived in Nasarpur.

As per the prophecy, the baby was born to Devaki and Ratanchand Lohano and the child was named Udaichand. One day, the parents noticed that the cradle which was carrying the baby rocked on its own; so, they started addressing him as Jhulelal from that day onwards.

Years later, Mirkhshah made several attempts to kill the boy but failed. He then accepted his defeat after realising the might and power of Udaichand.

 

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Momo with Mamata Banerjee: Bengal CM dons the chef's hat at local stall in Darjeeling

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee tried her hands at making momos at a local stall on the last day of her scheduled visit to North Bengal on Thursday. The TMC supremo went for a morning walk in Darjeeling where she was seen trying to make momos with the locals sellers.

Dressed in her trademark white saree and a pair of white slippers, Banerjee interacted with women members of the local self-help groups. Women at the local store explained to her the art of momo-making and asked her to try. Visibly excited, Banerjee began flattening the dough, put filling into it, and shape the momos with her hands. Soon a large group of local people circled her and started encouraging her to prepare a perfect bite-size momo.

Watch the chief minister in action here:

The chief minister, during her stay, suggested to the residents of North Bengal that self-help groups are not only for women but also men can come forward to form such local groups to avail of benefits from the state government. The Bengal Chief Minister seemed hopeful that it would increase the employment for the people in North Bengal.

Banerjee is expected to fly back to the state capital on Thursday. She visited several places including Singhmari, Chowrasta and Darjeeling Mall. She had a discussion with local businessmen and listened to their idea to boost tourism in the hills.

Banerjee stayed in a government bungalow at Richmond Hill where she held a meeting with Gorkha Janmurti Morcha, Bhartiya Gorkha Prajatantrik Morcha, Trinamool Congress, Jan Andalon Party and the newly-formed Hamro Party on Monday. She also promised that elections to the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration will be held after being due for more than five years.

Residents in the hills welcomed their chief minister with open arms. anerjee also spent some quality time distributing chocolates to the kids and offering prayers at the Mahakal Temple. Earlier, a photograph of her also went viral on social media where she was seen holding an infant.

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Watch: Car hits elderly man in Ghaziabad, police investigation underway

An elderly man was run over by a car in Ghaziabad yesterday, 30 March. A video of the incident, captured on CCTV, shows the vehicle fleeing the scene after hitting the man. The chilling video of the hit-and-run has gone viral.
The clip shows an elderly man moving to sit on a chair outside his house. But as he moves towards the chair, a car enters the narrow lane and hits the man. The vehicle then flees the scene, leaving the man lying wounded on the road.

Have a look at the video here:

On-Camera, Driver Deliberately Runs Over Elderly Man Near Delhi pic.twitter.com/wTAJu9BkE7

— Lokmanchtoday (@lokmanchtoday) March 31, 2022

The victim has alleged that his neighbours were involved in the hit-and-run due to a six-month-long dispute between them. Following the incident, the man has filed a complaint against his neighbours. According to reports, police are conducting an investigation into the matter. This is not the only hit-and-run that took place in Delhi-NCR yesterday. Another such incident took place yesterday morning in the national capital. According to The Indian Express, the incident occurred in Delhi on Wednesday morning when an SUV hit a 39-year-old man named Girdhari on Janpath road. The man was crossing the street when the vehicle swerved towards him and struck him just as he reached the footpath. The driver fled the scene after the incident. Girdhari was later taken to the RML hospital, where he was declared dead. A video of the incident has gone on social media and shows a red vehicle striking Girdhari while he attempting to cross the road. View the video here:

Hit and Run or Intentional: Incident of this morning near Janpath, central Delhi in which one person by name Girdhari, 39 yrs sustained injuries in the accident. He was taken to RML hospital where the doctor declared him brought dead. pic.twitter.com/4f4Txyq6mi

— Bhaarat (@LucasSt79957001) March 30, 2022

According to reports, Delhi Police later announced that they had apprehended the accused and charged him with rash driving and causing death by negligence.

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Kerala Lottery 2022: Karunya Plus KN 414 results to be out at 3pm, first prize Rs 80 lakh

The Kerala lottery Karunya Plus KN 412 live results will be out at 3 pm today, 31 March, making it a fortuitous day for some. The KN 412 draw results will be available on the Kerala lottery department's official website, keralalotteryresult.net.

Detailed results of the lottery shall be accessible from 4 pm onwards. The Karunya Plus KN 412 results will also be published in the Kerala Government Gazette for the convenience of ticket holders. The lottery draw for Karunya Plus KN 412 will take place at Gorky Bhavan in Thiruvananthapuram, near Bakery Junction.

Find out about the lottery department's attractive cash prizes:

The first prize winner of the KN 412 lottery will receive Rs 80 lakh, whereas the second prize winner will receive Rs 10 lakh. The third prize winner of the lottery will get Rs 1 lakh. The fourth and fifth prize winners of the KN 412 will be given Rs 5,000 and Rs 1,000, respectively. The sixth price of Rs. 5,00 and the seventh price of Rs. 100 will also be given. In addition, certain lucky KN 412 winners will receive a consolation prize of Rs 8,000 from the Kerala Lottery Department.

Prize winners should verify their winning ticket numbers to those published in the Kerala Government Gazette and submit their tickets within 30 days of result announcement. The winning tickets of the Kerala lottery must be in good condition and free of damage. The prize money will not be delivered to the winner if the ticket has been mutilated. The winners must carry along a valid identification card as well as passport-sized photographs while they visit the lottery office to claim their prize money.

Ticket holders who win prize money of Rs 5,000 or more will have to go through the process of verification at the Kerala lottery office. However, individuals who win an amount less than Rs 5,000 can claim their prize from any local authorised lottery shop in the state.

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Chirag Paswan evicted from father’s ministerial bungalow: Why 'special housing’ for MPs and ministers is a common political flashpoint

After losing his father in October 2020, Chirag Paswan on Wednesday vacated the bungalow at 12-Janpath in New Delhi, which had been allocated to former Union minister Ram Vilas Paswan, following eviction orders.

According to news agency ANI, officials said that an eviction order was issued last year by the Directorate of Estates (DoE) and multiple reminders were sent. The bungalow has served as a hub of Paswan’s political activities with Ram Vilas Paswan holding several press conferences there.

Interestingly, after the demise of Ram Vilas Paswan, the bungalow was allotted to Union Railways and IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw in August last year.

This is the third such eviction in as many days by DoE, which got 7-Moti Lal Nehru evicted by BJP Lok Sabha MP Ram Shankar Katheria and 10-Pandit Pant Marg, occupied by Union minister and BJP MP P C Sarangi.

Here’s a look at how these bungalows are allocated, who is entitled to such accommodations and the many controversies surrounding them.

Special bungalows

Ministers are entitled to ‘special bungalows’ in Lutyens’ Delhi and these are allocated by the Directorate of Estates, which comes under the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs.

There are different categories of bungalows with the Type VII and Type VIII on the top of the list. While Type-8 bungalows have five bedrooms, Type-7 have four bedrooms. Both have servant quarters, lawns and a garage.

In addition to central ministers, MPs are also allocated homes.

Former BJP Union Minister Vijay Goel, speaking to The Wire in 2015 on the matter, had said: “The responsibility of allotting a Type VII or Type VIII bungalow vests with the House Committee. There are no hard and fast rules on which one would be allotted. There are guidelines but no strict definitions. Also there are some `minister bungalows’ which are meant for ministers and there are some bungalows which are occupied by ministers out of their own choice. When a new government comes to power, it usually exercises the right to get minister bungalows allotted to its ministers.”

Modi government’s eviction drive

Since coming to power in 2014, Narendra Modi’s government has routinely evicted former ministers and MPs from these special bungalows, inviting ire from the Opposition.

It has routinely refused to entertain requests for extension, even from former party parliamentarians and ministers.
It was reported that in its first year of power, the Modi government evicted nearly 460 people from the Lutyens Bungalow Zone — a record of sorts. The reason for the eviction: houses are limited, and the pressure to find homes for new ministers and officials mounts because of the reluctance of many VIPs to move out at the end of their term.

In 2019, Parliament also passed the Public Premises (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Amendment Bill, 2019, which would facilitate smooth and speedy eviction of unauthorised occupants from government residential accommodations.

As per the law, those who overstay will be forced to shell out stiff fines. For instance, if they overstay beyond five months, they will have to pay up to Rs 10 lakh.

The new law also states that UD ministry can start eviction proceeding within three days after the stipulated time given to a former MP or a retired official is over.

Controversies over the bungalows

The allocation and eviction of bungalows has often caused political rows, with the Opposition accusing the NDA government of a vendetta and of double standards.

In 2015, two former Congress Cabinet ministers, Ambika Soni and Kumari Selja had moved the Delhi High Court, against the Centre's move to evict them. At the time, Soni occupied 22 Akbar Road while Selja stayed at 7 Moti Lal Nehru Marg.

Their pleas were dismissed and they eventually had to vacate their respective bungalows.

In 2016, Payal Abdullah, the estranged wife of former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah and their two sons were evicted from the government allotted bungalow on Akabar Road.

Earlier this year, the bungalow issue cropped up in the headlines when the Centre approached the Delhi High Court seeking directions for eviction of former Rajya Sabha MP Sharad Yadav from the government bungalow in the national capital, saying that he ceased to be a parliamentarian in 2017 but continues to retain the residence.

The court had on 15 March directed Yadav to “hand over the bungalow at 7, Tughlak Road here to the government within 15 days”, saying more than four years have elapsed since he was disqualified as an MP.

The former Janata Dal (United) leader then approached the Supreme Court on the matter. The apex court had then asked the Centre if it could consider on "humanitarian grounds" Yadav’s plea seeking more time to vacate his official bungalow in Delhi, as he is suffering from numerous ailments.

Eyebrows were raised when former education minister Ramesh Pokhriyal ‘Nishank’ was also served a second eviction notice in February to vacate an official bungalow he was allotted when he was minister. The ‘Type-8’ Lutyens bungalow, located near Safdarjung’s Tomb, has been allotted to current Union Civil Aviation Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia.

With inputs from agencies

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How The Kashmir Files has caught our bleeding-heart liberals off guard and their lies exposed

It was a bolt from the blue that caught our bleeding-heart liberals off guard; their lies exposed, their chicanery defined with precision and their immorality hanging like a banner for all to see. The spontaneous and spectacular success of the movie, The Kashmir Files, which portrays movingly the brutal ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits from the Valley, has expectedly unleashed a barrage of criticism — violent and malignant — that attempts to shred the credibility of the movie, undermine its message and ensure that the atrocities committed on the Kashmiri Pandits is relegated to oblivion so that the nation does not have to answer uncomfortable questions.

One film critic dubbed it a “fantasy-revisionist drama” while another accused the movie of “‘propagandist verve”, and “cementing the current dispensation’s favoured discourse”. The very first sentence of yet another review in a major newspaper left no doubt as to where its sympathies lay: “Once upon a time, writer-director Vivek Agnihotri told us a ‘Hate Story’; this week, he has etched yet another.”

But how accurate and valid are these over-the-top conjectures? Do a few insignificant factual compromises that can pass for artistic liberty detract from the leitmotif of the film? And can the sufferings of the Kashmiri Pandits be wished away or trivialised just because the movie fails to address the issue of Kashmiri Muslim lives lost in the conflict?

Tagging a narrative as hate or inciting hate has become an expedient modus operandi for some to discredit their ideological adversaries or counter a stance that does not suit their viewpoint. First, Agnihotri did not manufacture the ‘hate’ that is depicted in the movie. He merely did his duty by bringing the hate that was rampant in the Valley to the attention of the public, something that nobody had the courage to do so far. The gory incidents that he picturises are all based on real events. For hate to be countered, hate needs to be identified, highlighted and condemned so that the purveyors of hate know that it is unacceptable and will be penalised.

By papering over such incidents under the dubious pretension of not upsetting the delicate communal balances and by not confronting hate face to face, we not only embolden hate-mongers but become unwittingly complicit in their crime. Our inability as a nation to highlight and counter the diabolicity of the separatist movement in Kashmir is what allowed it to fester for so long and get away with such barbarism.

***

Also Read

Off-centre | The Kashmir Files creates a new language and aesthetics of protest

The Kashmir Files talks about one genocide, but what about others confined to whispers and whisperers?

‘The Kashmir Files’ opens up wounds that never healed

After The Kashmir Files, revisiting Vidhu Vinod Chopra's 'sanitised' version on Kashmiri Pandits exodus in Shikara

Vivek Agnihotri on The Kashmir Files: 'I wanted to make a film about people who did not pick up guns'

Vivek Ranjan Agnihotri deactivates his Twitter account ahead of The Kashmir Files release; here’s why

Watch: Trailer of Vivek Agnihotri’s The Kashmir Files, starring Anupam Kher, Mithun Chakraborty

***

The charge that failure to co-opt the Kashmiri Muslim version of the conflict, makes the movie unbelievable and biased does not pass muster. The tragedy of the Kashmiri Pandits is apocalyptic: Brutal, savage and barbaric. It was also a story that had been deliberately swept under the carpet to mask the fundamentalism and xenophobia of separatism in Kashmir. Therefore, their story had to be told with a single-minded focus, without nuances, without sugarcoating and without dilution or distraction by the other facets of the Kashmir conflict. The perpetrators of the crime had to be called out with a definitiveness that was indisputable. That is what Agnihotri has done in blunt, unvarnished terms; a bluntness that the so-called intellectuals supporting the separatist movement find troubling because the same derogatory terms like Nazi and fascism that they used so flippantly to describe the other side has now become an apt and telling euphemism for them and their misguided cause.

And by the way the dominant narrative of the Kashmir conflict in the international and domestic media, including movies till now has been lopsided; a narrative that has focused overwhelmingly on what has been touted as Muslim self-determination. That story does not warrant reiteration.

Emphasising this one-sided depiction of the Kashmir issue so far, Aanchal Magazine, herself a Kashmiri Pandit writes (‘On Kashmir, listen to all those who suffered’; Indian Express, 24 March): “I was one-year-old in 1990. Growing up, I would often scan news reports about us but not to much avail. I would sit through movies “based” on Kashmir, waiting for a mention of Kashmiri Pandits. An insignificant territory to explore for mainstream filmmakers, they would often be a fleeting reference. In one such movie shot in Kashmir and released in 2014 with a running time of 162 minutes, Kashmiri Pandits had a mention: One line.”

When previous films have consistently blanked out the tragedy of the Pandits, why is it that The Kashmir Files is being held to a different standard?

Such double standards and hypocrisy cannot help to build a nation that is morally robust and equitable.

Another reason for the ire of the liberals is because this movie conclusively punctures the myth of Hindu majoritarianism: A false narrative craftily woven into our national discourse by painting a communal riot as a pogrom (Gujarat 2002) and dubbing a humanitarian law (CAA) as discriminatory. Can brutalisation of the majority community occur with such audacity in a nation where the reigning mantra is majoritarianism?

• The runaway success of The Kashmir Files attests to a welcome change in Indian public attitudes: A growing political awareness, a new moral boldness, a courage to acknowledge and confront without any apologies or guilt the victimhood of the majority community, a departure from the sham façade of a past pseudo-secularism that revelled in justification of even criminal aberrations of minorityism at the cost of majority interest. Today post The Kashmir Files viewing, a sense of aghast has claimed the audience prompting many to ask the million-dollar question: Why was this atrocity hidden from us for so long?

Agnihotri has cast aside the false filters of political correctness and shed the inhibitions of a warped secularism to tell the story directly to the people as it happened. He has dared to uncover the truth of a horrendous past, intentionally kept buried for over 30 years; he has dared to let Indians know what their brethren suffered; and he has dared to jolt the comatose conscience of an indifferent nation. We must be grateful to him for this moral wake-up call.

One film critic (The Kashmir Files tries showing 1990 exodus ‘truth’ but Agnihotri gives it death blow; Amogh Rohmetra, The Print, 13 March 2022) wryly remarked: “While The Kashmir Files brings out the truth and the much-needed story of Kashmiri Pandits, it tanks its credibility by mingling with facts, defaming JNU, blaming selective politicians…”

It is not the credibility of the movie that is tanked. By his heart-wrenching expose Agnihotri has tanked the credibility of JNU, those ‘selective politicians’ and those biased sections of the media that downplayed what is unequivocally the ultimate moral lapse of post-Independence India: The blatant ethnic cleansing of over a quarter million Kashmiri Hindus who became refugees in their own country overnight — all in a secular democratic nation.

Finally, what is extremely troubling is the utter insensitivity and crass moral depravity of the anti-Kashmir Files campaign. Instead of sincerely acknowledging the sufferings of the Pandits with sobriety and empathising with them, what we are witnessing is a vicious and deliberate game of whataboutery; one that derides the government for making it tax-free and accuses the movie of inciting hate — all in attempt to distract from the main focus of the film and achieve its nauseating objective — the denial of the ethnic cleansing of the Kashmiri Pandits; a negation that parallels the holocaust denial.

The writer is a US-based author. Views expressed are personal.

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Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 LIVE Updates: State board Class 10 scores to be announced at 1 pm

10:34 (IST)

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

10:31 (IST)

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022

Class 10 results to be announced at 1 pm today

The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 LATEST Updates: The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

The Bihar Class 10 result will also be available on other websites like onlinebseb.in and biharboardonline.com. To qualify in the exam, students will have to secure a minimum of 30 per cent marks in all individual subjects. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) can appear for a compartmental exam, the date of which will be decided later.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

Details in the marksheet will include name of the candidate, registration number, roll number and roll code, marks gained in each subject, total marks given and qualifying status of the applicant.

As per the schedule, the Class 10 examination was conducted in Bihar from 17 to 24 February this year across various centres. The exam was held in two shifts; the first commenced from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm, while the second shift began from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Around 17 lakh candidates registered themselves for the examination this year. On 8 March, the board had released the answer key for Class 10 examination. The last date to raise objections was till 11 March.

For more details, students are advised to visit the official portal of BSEB at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

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In Rajasthan, doctor dies by suicide after being charged with causing pregnant woman's death

Taking serious note of a suicide of a doctor in Dausa after being accused of murder, Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot on Wednesday ordered the removal of a senior police officer and suspension of an SHO.

The doctor, who had been booked for allegedly causing the death of a pregnant woman in Rajasthan’s Dausa district died by suicide on Tuesday, 29 March, PTI reported. According to the police, the pregnant woman died at the hospital run by Dr Archana Sharma and her husband on Tuesday.

An FIR was registered against Archana at the Lalsot Police Station after family members of the pregnant woman held a demonstration outside the hospital and demanded immediate action against the erring doctor. Stressed over the FIR, Archana hanged herself to death, police said.

“The doctor was booked for the death of the pregnant woman due to negligence in treatment. This afternoon, the doctor hanged herself to death at her residence above the hospital,” Additional SP (Dausa) Lal Chand Kayal said.

However, the doctor in a suicide letter said she had not made any mistake and that the patient died due to a complication.

According to an official release, Gehlot has directed the officials to remove Dausa Superintendent of Police Anil Kumar, suspended SHO of Lalsot Police Station Ankesh Kumar and put Deputy Superintendent of Police Lalsot Shankar Lal under awaiting posting orders.

Divisional Commissioner Jaipur Dinesh Kumar Yadav will conduct an administrative inquiry into the matter.

Gehlot gave the instructions in a high-level meeting at his residence on Wednesday evening. "It was decided in the meeting that strict action should be taken against those who abetted the woman to commit suicide by registering a case," a release said.

The chief minister also directed to constitute a committee led by an additional chief secretary (home) to prevent the recurrence of such incidents and to give necessary suggestions.

The committee will comprise secretaries of the medical and health department, medical education department, senior officers from police and law departments and doctors. The committee will study all the legal aspects and will prepare a guideline, which will be implemented across the state.

Gehlot also condemned the incident and said an inquiry is going on and those found guilty will not be spared.

"The incident of Dr Archana Sharma's suicide in Dausa is very sad. We all give the status of god to doctors. Every doctor tries his best to save the life of the patient, but it is not justified to accuse the doctor as soon as any unfortunate incident happens,” Gehlot tweeted earlier in the day.

"If doctors will be intimidated like this, then how will they be able to do their work with confidence? We all should think about how such treatment can be done to the doctors who served all by risking their lives during covid pandemic,” he added.

The Rajasthan State Commission for Women has taken cognizance of the matter and sought a factual report from police within seven days.

Relatives of Asha Bairwa, the woman who died on Monday, accused Sharma of negligence and held a demonstration with the dead body outside Anand Hospital in Lalsot, Dausa -- owned by Sharma and her husband Dr Suneet Upadhyaya.

In her suicide note in Hindi, Sharma wrote, “I love my husband and children very much. Please do not trouble my husband and children after my death. I did not commit any mistake and did not kill anyone. PPH is a severe complication, stop harassing doctors for it. My death may prove my innocence. Don't harass innocent doctors, please.” According to Sharma, the cause of Bairwa's death was Postpartum Hemorrhage (PPH), a medical condition under which severe bleeding happens after childbirth.

With inputs from PTI

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BSEB Class 10 Result: Bihar board matriculation result to be announced today; check details here

The Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) will declare the Class 10 or matriculation today, 31 March, 2022, at 1pm. Those who appeared for the exam can check their results by visiting the official website of the Board at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

The Bihar Class 10 result will also be available on other websites like onlinebseb.in and biharboardonline.com. To qualify in the exam, students will have to secure a minimum of 30 per cent marks in all individual subjects. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) can appear for a compartmental exam, the date of which will be decided later.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board Class 10 Result:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in

Step 2: Search and click on Bihar Board 10th Result 2022 link that is available on the home page

Step 3: Candidates need to enter their roll number and registration number correctly

Step 4: After providing all details properly, click on submit. Soon, the Bihar Class 10 result will be displayed on the screen

Step 5: Check the results and download the page

Step 6: Keep a printout of the same for further use or reference.

Details in the marksheet will include name of the candidate, registration number, roll number and roll code, marks gained in each subject, total marks given and qualifying status of the applicant.

As per the schedule, the Class 10 examination was conducted in Bihar from 17 to 24 February this year across various centres. The exam was held in two shifts; the first commenced from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm, while the second shift began from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Around 17 lakh candidates registered themselves for the examination this year. On 8 March, the board had released the answer key for Class 10 examination. The last date to raise objections was till 11 March.

For more details, students are advised to visit the official portal of BSEB at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

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Bihar Board 10th Result 2022: BSEB to release matric results today at 1 pm; check details here

The Bihar Board Class 10 Results 2022 is expected to be declared by the Bihar School Examination Board (BSEB) today (31 March) at 1 pm. Following the announcement, students can check their 10th Result 2022 by visiting the official website at biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Before BSEB Matric result link is activated on the official website, the board will hold a press conference to make the announcement.

Apart from the official website, students can also check BSEB Class 10 results on Onlinebseb.in and Biharboardonline.com. Reports suggest that the results for Bihar Class 10 will be announced officially at a press conference.

This year, there were around 17 lakh students who registered for Class 10 final exams. As per the schedule, the exams were conducted between 17 and 24 February. The exams were held in two shifts; the first began from 9:30 am to 12:45 pm and the second commenced from 1:45 pm to 5 pm.

Here’s how to check Bihar Board 10th Result 2022:

Step 1: Go to biharboardonline.bihar.gov.in.

Step 2: Search and click on the result link that is available on the homepage.

Step 3: Students need to enter their login credentials correctly.

Step 4: After providing all required details, click on submit. Soon, the BSEB Matric result 2022 will appear on the screen.

Step 5: Keep a print out of the same for further use or reference.

Students can also check their results directly here

To qualify for the BSEB 10th final examination, students have to secure a minimum of 30 percent marks in all individual subjects of the exam. Those who are unable to secure the minimum passing marks (in one or two subjects) will be required to take the compartment exam.

The Board will give cash prizes and laptops to Bihar board toppers this year. First rank holders will be awarded Rs 1 lakh, second and third rank holders will receive Rs 75,000 and Rs 50,000, respectively.

Check the post here: 

pic.twitter.com/8k3KhY5Ra6

— Bihar School Examination Board (@officialbseb) April 5, 2021

The Board will give Rs 10,000 each and a laptop to 4^th to 10th rank holders. Some other students will also receive laptops and Kindle ebook readers.

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Petrol, diesel prices today: Fuel gets dearer again on 31 March; hiked Rs 6.40 per litre in 10 days

Petrol and diesel prices were on Thursday hiked by 80 paise a litre each, taking the total increase in rates in the last 10 days to Rs 6.40 per litre.

Petrol in Delhi will now cost Rs 101.81 per litre as against Rs 101.01 previously while diesel rates have gone up from Rs 92.27 per litre to Rs 93.07, according to a price notification of state fuel retailers.

Rates have been increased across the country and vary from state to state depending upon the incidence of local taxation.

This is the ninth increase in prices since the ending of a four-and-half-month long hiatus in rate revision on 22 March.

In all, petrol and diesel prices have gone up by Rs 6.40 per litre each.

On the first four occasions, prices were increased by 80 paise a litre - the steepest single-day rise since the daily price revision was introduced in June 2017. On the following days, petrol price went up by 50 paise and 30 paise a litre while diesel rose by 55 paise and 35 paise a litre. Petrol price was on Tuesday hiked by 80 paise a litre and diesel by 70 paise.

In all, petrol and diesel rices have gone up by Rs 5.60 per litre each.

Prices had been on a freeze since 4 November ahead of the Assembly elections in states like Uttar Pradesh and Punjab — a period during which the cost of raw material (crude oil) soared by about $30 per barrel.

The rate revision was expected soon after counting of votes on 10 March but it was put off by a couple of weeks.

The increase in retail price warranted by crude oil prices rising during the 137-day hiatus from around $82 per barrel to $120 is huge but state-owned fuel retailers Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd (BPCL) and Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Ltd (HPCL) are passing on the required increase in stages.

Moody's Investors Services last week stated that state retailers together lost around $2.25 billion (Rs 19,000 crore) in revenue for keeping petrol and diesel prices on hold during the election period.

Oil companies "will need to raise diesel prices by Rs 13.1-24.9 per litre and Rs 10.6-22.3 a litre on gasoline (petrol) at an underlying crude price of $100-120 per barrel," according to Kotak Institutional Equities.

CRISIL Research said a Rs 9-12 per litre increase in retail price will be required for a full pass-through of an average $100 per barrel crude oil and Rs 15-20 a litre hike if the average crude oil price rises to $110-120.

India is 85 per cent dependent on imports for meeting its oil needs and so retail rates adjust accordingly to the global movement.

With inputs from agencies

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Ban on Muslim traders in Karnataka temples citing 2002 rule: Understanding what the law actually says

After the Karnataka High Court (HC) ordered that hijab will not be allowed inside educational institutions a fortnight ago, Muslim traders in coastal Karnataka downed shutters in protest. The fallout of that demonstration is grave. Now temples across the state are putting restrictions on businessmen from the community, denying them permission to set up stalls on shrine premises or at temple fairs.

A law passed during the Congress rule in 2002 has been constantly citied. But what does the law really say?

First ban in Shivamogga, others follow

The ban first started in Shivamogga. Following pressure from Hindutva groups, the organising committee of the historic Kote Marikamba Jatra decided not to give tenders to Muslim shopkeepers. Only those belonging to the Hindu community are permitted to open stall during the festival, which is held once in two years, and attracts lakhs of people of all religions and castes from neighbouring districts.

Now, other temples have taken cue and imposed similar bans. Temples in Karup, Udupi, Tumkur, Hassan, Chikmagalur, and other districts have decided to allow only Hindu vendors on temple premises.

At the Mahalingeshwara Temple in Puttur, organisers of the annual festival to be held in April have barred Muslims from participating in the auction. The Hosa Marigudi temple in Udupi’s Kaup imposed a similar rule, refusing to allot stalls o Muslims.

Locals were outraged that Muslims kept their shops closed after the HC verdict. The ban comes in response to that.

In Dakshina Kannada district, a hoarding of the Bappanadui Sri Durgapameshwari temple’s annual festivities stated, “People who don’t respect the law or the land and who kill the cows that we pray and who is against the unity will not be allowed to do business. We will not allow them to do business. Hindu is aware”, according to a report in The Indian Express.

Mangaluru city police commissioner N Shashi Kumar told the newspaper that they were looking into the matter. “If the civic agency is ready to file a complaint, we will consult our legal team and take action accordingly,” he said.

Among the other famous temples which have barred Muslim traders are the Belur Channakeshava in Hassan, Siddhalingeshwara in Tumkur, and the 800-year-old Bappanadu shrine near Mangaluru. Ironically, in Bappanadu premises is the Durgaparameshwari temple, built by Muslim merchant Bappa Beary of Kerala; it’s considered a symbol of communal harmony. This is the first-time ever that there is a ban on Muslims from bidding for leases at its festival.

When the issue came up in Karnataka Assembly

The issue was raised in the state Assembly by a Congress MLA, saying that the ban on Muslims was further creating a divide in society. “The history of the coastal district has several examples where Muslims and Hindus have co-existed in harmony, and have celebrated festivals together. Some cowardly people are installing hoardings that Muslims are not allowed. It has set a bad precedent, but, fortunately, at some places the Hindus have taken a stand against such diktats,” he said.

However, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government has defended the ban, saying that rules formulated by the Congress in 2002, when the party was in power, prohibited the leasing of land or buildings near temples to non-Hindus.

Karnataka Law and Parliamentary Affairs Minister JC Madhuswamy had said that the government does not encourage the ban, but he went on to cite the 2002 law. On 24 March, Madhuswamy said that Rule 31(12) of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 2002 states that no property including land, building or site, situated near the institution, shall be leased to non-Hindus.

“Citing these rules (under the Act), posters and banners have been put up,” Madhuswamy said, backing the boycott. “If any obstruction is being caused to them outside the premises of a religious place, it will be rectified and action will be taken. If things are happening (other community vendors trading) within the premises, they will have to follow the rules.”

What the law actually says

Rule 31 of the Karnataka Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act, 2002 (the parent legislation is from 1997) talks about the terms of the lease and renewal of immovable property of a notified institution that comes under the Act. Sub-rule 12 under this Rule 31 says that any property — land, building, or area — which is located near a Hindu institution or temple shall not be leased to non-Hindus, The News Minute says in a report.

The law minister’s argument then does not stand, since stalls at temple fairs are not immovable property but temporary instalments which can be dismantled.

“(It is) a deliberate misinterpretation of the provision, as Rule 31 only deals with long-term leases of immovable property owned by a temple (up to 30 years for land, and five years for shops and buildings). It does not deal with the short-term licences which would be used to allot stalls or spaces to vendors during a festival,” People’s Union for Civil Liberties Karnataka has said in the letter to Karnataka Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai and Karnataka Governor Thawar Chand Gehlot, according to The News Minute.

Politicians speak

There has been no word from the chief minister, as the ban spreads across the state.

Leader of Opposition in the Karnataka Assembly H D Kumaraswamy has slammed Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai over his government’s, calling him “a puppet” in the hands of right-wing organisations.

“Our chief minister is a puppet of some organisations. He is running the government on their orders. To save his chair, he is listening to whatever they say. Where is the stand of the government on calls for boycotting a community in business matters? No decision has been taken by the government,” Kumaraswamy said.

However, two BJP legislators have spoken up against the ban. AH Vishwanath, an MLC, and Anil Benake, an MLA, have called the restrictions “wrong” and “undemocratic”.

“No God or religion preaches these kinds of things. Religions are inclusive and not exclusive,” Vishwanath said.

“Under the Constitution, everybody has equal rights. Anybody can conduct business anywhere and people must decide where they want to buy from, that is all. We will not impose restrictions,” said Benake.

While the debate rages on, Muslim vendors continue to suffer heavy losses. November to April is fair season in Karnataka and the traders who have already been hit by the pandemic are further losing out.

With inputs from agencies

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Interview | BJP real alternative to DMK in Tamil Nadu; there is not Dravidian ideology, says K Annamalai

Since taking charge of Bharatiya Janata Party’s Tamil Nadu unit in July 2021, policeman-turned-politician K Annamalai has laid down the law for local leaders and cadres, and has cracked the whip on non-performers. He earned praise from the top brass after leading the BJP to a creditable performance in this year’s Tamil Nadu urban civic polls, and has now set his sights on the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and the 2026 Assembly polls. He spoke exclusively to News18 on a wide range of issues, including the BJP’s plans to grow in Tamil Nadu, its ‘anti-Tamil’ image, what he thinks about the ruling DMK, his party’s relationship with the AIADMK, as well as issues like ‘Dravidianism’ and ‘conversion’. Edited excerpts:

How do you see the BJP in Tamil Nadu since you have taken over?

More than me taking over, it is the continuity that is important. The BJP has a strategy and we are working towards achieving it. In the party, we do not focus on individuals but party objective and collective leadership. In the last ten months, we have gone aggressive in taking on the DMK and highlighting their mistakes in the people’s forum. I strongly believe people in Tamil Nadu want an alternative to the DMK— one that stands against family politics, corruption, and corporate politics. The BJP is that kind of a party and the real alternative for the DMK in Tamil Nadu in the future.

How are you positioning yourself differently from the DMK to the people of Tamil Nadu?

The BJP’s ideology is 180 degrees opposite of what the DMK has been standing for. We believe in solving the issues of the people and focusing on every segment of society, unlike the DMK. Wherever we are in power, our service delivery has been extremely good and we have solved the last-mile delivery issue and provided to the people what they want. The DMK can’t even deliver a Pongal gift that they promised…one of 22 items… properly to their electorate. The BJP on the other hand is all about empowering the common man, providing a clean image — both public and personal— and handling the money in the most effective manner. On the other hand, the DMK’s idea of governance is to make people dependent on the party and the government.

Tamil Nadu is being mismanaged by the DMK. The state is in debt of over Rs 6.5 lakh crore and we have seen how close to Rs 9,000 crore of revenue comes from TASMAC. According to the DMK, social justice is to allow liquor to flow freely. Look at Modiji’s governance in Gujarat— without taking a single paisa from the liquor lobby as revenue, the government ran, and even a surplus budget was presented. There will certainly be a clash of ideas between the DMK and the BJP in the future.

Tamil Nadu is a state dominated by Dravidian ideology. Why do you think the BJP can become a major force?

There is nothing called Dravidian ideology. I keep questioning Tamil Nadu chief minister Stalin on what is the Dravidian model of development. The CM replies that the Dravidian model is about inclusion. Isn’t the BJP inclusive? If the DMK is inclusive, how is it that one family runs the party? Tamil Nadu has 44 families that dominate the DMK and that means two to three generations of that family keep coming to power. Is this what they called the Dravidian model of inclusivity? The model that is highly corrupt, personality centric, and one that does not focus on empowering the common man? It is not the Dravidian model but they should call it the Gopalapuram model or the DMK model. The DMK cannot take ownership of the Dravidian world. We believe that anybody who belongs to this land is rightfully a Dravidian and it is the BJP that is the alternative for the people to trust. We are taking the DMK head-on over this issue.

So how do you define Dravidianism and the BJP’s relationship with Dravidianism?

Dravidianism is about taking everybody along and social justice. It is not about Brahmin bashing, OBC bashing, or being anti-Hindu. Dravidianism is about empowering all segments of society, like it has been doing for more than 350 years. It is about keeping the land spiritual and nationalistic. This is the land of Bharathiya who spoke of Bharat Mata. Tamil Nadu has produced scholars, researchers, freedom fighters until 1967. Somebody takes over the Dravidian land and claims it as their own? That is not acceptable.

You recently broke away from your ally AIADMK for a friendly contest in the urban body elections. How do you assess the party’s performance after contesting alone?

For any party, the legitimate test is to allow it to grow. Firstly, in the urban body elections, the BJP found a great opportunity to take the party across the state. Secondly, we were able to identify 5,000 next-generation young leaders who contested on our party ticket. Thirdly, the party was able to win in seats where we had no presence at all. And fourthly, in terms of vote share, we are now the largest party. Overall we can say the goals and parameters the party had set for itself have been achieved during the urban body polls. This is just the beginning, we will only grow bigger and stronger from here.

What do you see as the future of the AIADMK?

I believe that all our political partners should do well. It is for the benefit of the state. But as the state president of Tamil Nadu, I am more interested in growing the BJP. My primary task is to increase the party cadre base.

Does Sasikala still have a future in politics? What is your opinion about the possibility of TTV Dhinakaran and Sasikala being brought back to the AIADMK?

I see 8.5 crore people of Tamil Nadu have a future in politics if they want. Anybody can come and contest elections. I do not want to comment on a specific individual. The people of Tamil Nadu like those who work for them, fight for their rights and needs, and serve them. Anybody who wants to do this has a future in Tamil Nadu politics. I don’t want to comment on the AIADMK and what’s happening in their party. It is for their party leaders to take a call. I am not interested in how the other party tries to resolve its internal issues. I am busy running my own party in TN.

Do you think Tamil Nadu should have an anti-conversion law?

We have to understand the difference between anti-conversion law and forced-conversion law. You cannot force anybody by any means and try to convert them from the religion they are born into. They are doing a disservice of two kinds: one to the religion that they are born in and the other to the new religion that they are trying to enter. Any type of forced conversion is condemnable.

What is your target for the number of seats for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections?

As a party, we do not keep targets or numbers. But I would be really happy and take it as my responsibility to send a large number of MPs from Tamil Nadu to Modiji’s cabinet. Modiji has done a lot for the people of TN and there should be a connection between the PM and the Tamil Nadu MPs who will be elected. The schemes from the Centre should flow seamlessly. Until now, TN has received Rs 7.5 lakh crore from the Centre. The people of Tamil Nadu deserve better governance and I am hell-bent on sending a large number of MPs from our state. For the 2026 assembly elections, I have set a target of 150 MLAs and for 2024 the larger the number the better for us.

What do you think of Kamal Haasan’s political future?

A lot of members have left Kamal Haasan’s party and joined other parties. The people gave him two chances. They later realised that the party was not taking up the cause of the people. It is for him to decide his future in politics and of MNM. If you look at the recent urban body elections, there was not a single place where MNM came close to the BJP. Just because Kamal Haasan opposed Modiji and the BJP, one does not gain votes. People realised that it was being done only for the sake of politics.

Can the BJP shake off the anti-Tamil, pro-Hindi tag?

People don’t believe all this. There may be parties who may try to use their own television channels to propagate such allegations. It does not convert into votes. People do not believe in tags, rather they understand that the BJP stands for its principles and the people are accepting it slowly.

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How are Hindus treated in states where they are in a minority?

He who pays the piper plays the tune. For over 50 years of independent India’s 75 years, the national polity has been run by the Congress, supported quite often by the communists. This dispensation, by and large, took the Hindu majority for granted, confident that discriminatory and prejudicial practices against them, largely unconstitutional, would not be protested.

So, the Nehruvian regime and the subsequent dynastic rule of the Nehru-Gandhis, assessed that they could get away with it. That they have eventually lost almost all their perches in the states and the Centre is also a consequence of this blatant unfairness.

The Hindus, particularly after the Ram Janmabhoomi movement of the 1980s and the 1990s, have decided to vote against Congress domination in increasing numbers. But for at least five decades, the second-class treatment of Hindus was the norm, and set the theme for the states and Union Territories to follow. Accompanied by the Congress-appointed academics and intellectuals with well-paid sinecures and most of the media. Every one of these people made a virtue of their outlook by dressing it up in Marxian hues.

The various coalition governments that came as the Congress hold weakened, began to change things.

These were occasioned by the followers of Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan in the 1970s. Their influence gave birth to a number of strong regional parties of Yadavs and Dalits in the electorally dominant cow belt. In the South, simultaneously, the upper castes in power were overthrown by DMK and AIDMK politics in Tamil Nadu and elsewhere.

The Congress reacted autocratically with the infamous Emergency during which the descriptors ‘Secular’ and ‘Socialist’ were inserted into the Preamble of the Constitution, and subsequently weaponised.

The changes in the popular mood amongst the lower castes seemed to give the Congress leadership no clues about the need to change.

The Hindu may not have protested at the drop of a hat like the dominant national minority, but it began to vote in a different way, as did, ironically, the Muslims, sick of being used without true benefit.

The minority vote bank stopped being the exclusive preserve of the Congress. Still no correctives were applied. Instead, the Congress undertook a competitive appeasement. This might have been good for the Muslim rank and file, but it queered the pitch for the Hindus even more.

The coalition governments that came next with the fragmentation of the voting patterns, were unstable, pulling in different directions at once. Nevertheless, they were a precursor to the ultimate arrival of Hindu-majority BJP governments eight years ago.

Then, the political thematics indeed began to change. But the Opposition called it “Saffron Communalism”, and hoped against hope that it would be a flash in the pan.

The earlier six-year term of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, a decade before Modi began his Central innings in 2014, made some changes in tone and tenor, but it was hampered by the compulsions of coalition dharma, and being taunted as communal. That it was the pot calling the kettle black was lost on the so-called secularists.

How did the discrimination against Hindus become state policy? First, there was an assumption that the minorities needed special privileges to keep them from being swamped by the numerically dominant Hindus (80 percent). This, after the country had been partitioned hastily, with enormous loss of life and property, amid stark religious lines.

Despite heated opinions on every side, this was essentially done by the departing British, as a malicious parting shot in 1947, including the loss of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Like other partitions engineered by the British, it has left the pot of animosity simmering ever since, with occasions when it boils over. There have already been four wars with Pakistan, with the threat of another never too far away. And yet, the politics of minority appeasement is careful not to speak against Pakistani-sponsored terrorism. Instead, it futilely looks for a hook on saffron terrorism to hang its narrative on.

Then there were the provisions in the Constitution, bequeathed to the nation in 1950, that were misused by successive Central and state governments. Article 26 guarantees freedom to all religions to manage their religious affairs including their finances and properties.

In reality, almost all Hindu temples, shrines, properties and associated institutions such as mutts, are, if not fully nationalised, certainly quasi-commandeered by state governments.

The average state not only maintains oversight on all administrative activity, but uses large parts of the huge temple finances as they see fit, for matters that have nothing to do with the Hindu faith. Even their lands are handily encroached upon by the government.

By way of contrast, various Christian church properties, seminaries, retreats, schools, colleges, the latter largely government-assisted, are run exclusively by Christians. The church has one of the largest land-holdings in India, a legacy from British/Portuguese times, but these have been left undisturbed by independent India.

Likewise, the mosques, extensive properties/land, madrassas, seminaries, quite a few originated from Moghul times, are run exclusively by the Muslim waqf boards without any form of outside interference.

Many temples, however, have been demolished both by the Christians in Goa during Portuguese rule, and by the Mughals, as a routine, with no effort at retribution or restitution by the Government of India.

The Spanish Inquisition was brought to Goa and horrific atrocities were perpetrated on its Hindu population in the Catholic Church’s conversion drive. Likewise, the Mughals slaughtered Hindus at will in their millions during their rule, and were only challenged by the Marathas, and later by the British, who took over from them.

But the pristine status of Muslim and Christian holdings and practices puts their culturally aggressive religious bodies in a disproportionately powerful position. In states where the political domination is from the Muslims or Christians, the abuse of Hindus has gone as far as genocide.

In addition, the domination of Sikhs in Punjab has also proved to be increasingly inimical to the prospects of Hindu Punjabis, as well as migrant populations from other states. This is another case of a national minority in pole position in its home state, and its subsequent unforgivable behaviour, despite linguistic affinity. This phenomenon is also rapidly becoming the case in West Bengal, where the social engineering supported by the state government favours a demographic shift in favour of Muslims, both indigenous and imported from Bangladesh.

Both are border states closely watched for leverage by Pakistan and China. The other place, small as it is, where deep threats are at work, is Kerala. There a long-standing communist administration, the last bastion after the loss of Tripura and West Bengal, aids and abets Islamist extremism in its dominant pockets. This is a variation on the theme, but Kerala operates at the expense of the Hindu majority and a significant Christian minority.

But this hands-off policy is not the case with the financially rich major Hindu temples where the devotees donate crores of rupees and other offerings in jewels and gold. The revered Tirupati temple is a glaring instance of government hands in the till.

The recent freeing of the Char Dhams in Uttarakhand from all government control is a refreshing exception going in the other direction. The Supreme Court thinks all the Hindu temples should be free of government controls, but the states and possibly the Centre are still not listening.

In addition, Hindus are in a minority in 10 states, but unlike Muslims and Christians, get none of the minority benefits. They cannot do so unless the states or the Centre decide to designate them as a minority. There is no legal impediment, and yet this has been rarely done, if at all. Maharashtra has designated its Jews as an official minority, but Hindus have no such champion.

In Congress times, the North East was isolated, and saw little infrastructure development. It was run by the Centre, mainly via financial grants because it had little revenue generating capacity on its own. Religious conversion was rife. This collusion also served to keep it in the electoral fold of the Congress.

Since 2014, and particularly after Assam was won by the BJP, its leadership played a stellar role in roping in the smaller of the eight states that comprise this region, and hold just 5 per cent of the population. According to the 2011 Census, Hindus constitute 58 per cent, Christians are 16 per cent and Muslims are 22 per cent. Scheduled Tribes are in strength in the North East, and almost all are Christians.

The friction with the Hindus, that mostly reside in the valleys rather than the upper reaches, is palpable.

But the present political dispensation is ameliorating matters by relentless development of the region that is creating new facilities and local job opportunities. There has been huge infrastructure development by way of roads, bridges, tunnels, railway connectivity, as well as stadiums and training colleges. The North East is regarded as strategically important to keep Chinese ambitions at bay, as well as material to the development of India’s Look East and BIMSTEC Policies.

The BJP/NDA states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura and Assam are all being drawn into the mainstream.

There are 47 items in the Concurrent List, meaning those topics on which both the Centre or the state can legislate. There are as many ways to favour one lot of people over another, because these subjects cover items such as criminal law and procedure, preventive detention, trade unions, industrial and labour disputes.

Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution which deal with freedom to practice one’s religion without hindrance, and the management of their religious affairs in all aspects of it, has never treated Hindus fairly. This more so in places where they are reduced to a minority.

In Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan, almost every Hindu and Sikh has been driven out or killed. But what of India itself? The only way to right the wrongs of independent India’s distorted ideas of secularism, is to declare India a Hindu rashtra. This must come sooner rather than later.

The writer is a Delhi-based commentator on political and economic affairs. The views expressed are personal.

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